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This means "I stand before thee at the gate of thy mercy". Seiichi Suzuki defines the style through an analysis of its design organisation, and, by comparing it with near-contemporary styles in Britain and on the continent, identifying those features which make it unique. Now you may disagree with this as this is well your right and prerogative, but it is inaccurate to try and cast Jesus as leaving options for salvation.

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Then said Jesus unto them again, Verily, verily, I say unto you, I am the door of the sheep. So the notion that there all these documents around from his contemporaries and we have original copies is not true at all. I can only say respectfully that I disagree with your entire argument. All people of the planet have been anthropologically proved to have been no more than migrated Africans who,after migrating to different regions,suffered changes in their anatomy,lifestyle,diet,etc due to climatic changes in their environment. But Jesus can and did.

Rather, males inherit the Y-chromosome directly from their fathers, and both sexes inherit mtDNA directly from their mothers. Consequently, they preserve a genetic record from individual to individual that is altered only through mutation. An examination of Y-chromosome variation, sampled in an east—west transect across England and Wales, was compared with similar samples taken in Friesland and Norway.

Friesland was selected for the study due to it being regarded as a source location for Anglo-Saxon migrants, and because of the similarities between Old English and Frisian.

Samples from Norway were also compared, as this is a source of the later Viking migrations. Research published in on Y-chromosome marker variation, taken from a larger sample population and from more sites throughout Britain, came to a different conclusion. Southern England, including Kent, had markedly lower frequencies of non-indigenous Y-chromosome markers than eastern England, where Danish Viking settlement is attested.

However, the study could not distinguish between North German and Danish populations, thus the relative proportions of genetic input derived from the Anglo-Saxon settlements and later Danish Viking colonisation could not be ascertained. Historical evidence suggests that following the Anglo-Saxon transition, people of indigenous ethnicity were at an economic and legal disadvantage compared to those having Anglo-Saxon ethnicity.

This has led to the development of the "apartheid-like social structure" theory to explain this high contribution to the modern gene pool, where the proportion of settlers would be smaller. This view has been challenged by JE Pattison, who suggested that the Y-chromosome evidence could still support the idea of a small settlement of people without the apartheid-like structures. Problems with the design of Weale's study and the level of historical naivete evidenced by some population genetics studies have been particularly highlighted.

Stephen Oppenheimer reviewed the Weale and Capelli studies and suggested that correlations of gene frequency mean nothing without a knowledge of the genetic prehistory of the regions in question. His criticism of these studies is that they generated models based on the historical evidence of Gildas and Procopius, and then selected methodologies to test against these populations.

Weale's transect spotlights that Belgium is further west in the genetic map than North Walsham, Asbourne and Friesland. In Oppenheimer's view, this is evidence that the Belgae and other continental people — and hence continental genetic markers indistinguishable from those ascribed to Anglo-Saxons — arrived earlier and were already strong in the 5th century in particular regions or areas.

The Genetic Roots of Britain and Ireland. Many feasible scenarios can be constructed to account for evidence. However, Y-chromosome evidence relies on the archaeological and historical evidence for interpretation, and there is a danger of creating a circular argument. Therefore, scenarios that are not justified by other evidence or are created to account for the historical evidence have not been universally accepted.

In , through the investigation of burials using ancient DNA techniques, researchers found evidence of intermarriage in the earliest phase of Anglo-Saxon settlement.

The highest status grave of the burials investigated, as evidenced by the associated goods, was that of a female of local, British, origins. The breakdown of the estimates given in this work into the modern populations of Britain is both interesting and surprising.

Isotope analysis has begun to be employed to help answer the uncertainties regarding Anglo-Saxon migration; this can indicate whether a buried individual had always lived in the area he was buried in.

However, the number of studies is small. Strontium data in a 5th—7th-century cemetery in West Heslerston implied the presence of two groups: Although the study suggested that they could not define the limits of local variation and identify immigrants with confidence, they could give a useful account of the issues.

Furthermore, they found that there was no change in this pattern over time, except amongst some females. Another isotopic method has been employed to investigate whether protein sources in human diets in the early Anglo-Saxon varied with geographic location, or with respect to age or sex.

This would provide evidence for social advantage. The results suggest that protein sources varied little according to geographic location and that terrestrial foods dominated at all locations.

Various scholars have used a synthesis of evidence to present models to suggest an answer to the questions that surround the Anglo-Saxon settlement. How many migrants were there? When did the "Saxons" gain political ascendency? What happened to the 'Romano-Brittonic' peoples in the south-east of Britain? The Anglo-Saxons were a mix of invaders, migrants and acculturated indigenous people.

The ratios and relationships between these formative elements at the time of the Anglo-Saxon settlement are the subject of enquiry. The traditional interpretation [g] of the settlement of Britain has been subject to profound reappraisal, with scholars embracing the evidence for both migration and acculturation. But we are still lacking explicit models that suggest how this ethnogenetic process might have worked in concrete terms". Knowing the number of migrants who came from the continent provides a context from which scholars can build an interpretation framework and understanding of the events of the 5th and 6th centuries.

Robert Hedges in discussing this point observes that "archaeological evidence only addresses these issues indirectly" [] The traditional methodology used by archaeology to estimate the number of migrants starts with a figure for the population in Britain in the 3rd and 4th centuries. This is usually estimated at between 2 and 4 million. This estimate is hardly certain, but does provide a ratio of 1 to 4, between those with a settler background and those with an insular background.

The number of migrants therefore depends on the variable of population increase, if the population rose by 1 per cent per year which is slightly less than the present world population this would suggest a population of 30, migrants. However, if the population rose by 2 percent per year which is similar to India in the last 20 years this would suggest a population of 5, migrants. This number is confirmed by the archaeological evidence.

The excavations at Spong Hill, for example, revealed over 2, cremations and inhumations in what is a very large early cemetery. However, when the period of use is taken into account over years and its size, it is presumed to be a major cemetery for the entire area and not just one village, it does point to a smaller rather than large number of original immigrants of 20, The total immigrant population may have numbered somewhere between , and , over about a century, but the geographical variations in numbers, and in social and ethnic composition, should have led to a variety of settlement processes.

They suggest that "Incidental reports of numbers of immigrants are notoriously unreliable, and absolute numbers of immigrants before the Norman period can only be calculated as a proportion of the estimated overall population.

However, there is a discrepancy between, on the one hand, archaeological and some historical ideas about the scale of the Anglo-Saxon immigration, and on the other, estimates of the genetic contribution of the Anglo-Saxon immigrants to the modern English gene pool see "Molecular evidence" above. A re-evaluation of the traditional picture of decay and dissolution Post-Roman Britain has occurred, with sub-Roman Britain being thought rather more a part of the Late Antique world of western Europe than was customary a half century ago.

This in large part stems from attempts to develop visions of British success against the incoming Anglo-Saxons, as suggested by the Chronicles which were written in the ninth and mid-tenth century. However, recent scholarship has contested the extent to which either can be credited with any level of historicity regarding the decades around AD The representation of long-lasting British triumphs against the Saxons appears in large parts of the Chronicles, but stem ultimately from Gildas's brief and frustratingly elusive reference to a British victory at Mons Badonicus — Mount Badon see historical evidence above.

Nick Higham suggests, that the war between Britons and Saxons seems to have ended in some sort of compromise, which conceded a very considerable sphere of influence within Britain to the incomers. Kenneth Dark's argument for continuing British military and political power in the east rests on the very uneven distribution of Anglo-Saxon cemeteries and the proposition that large gaps in that distribution necessarily represent strong British polities which excluded Anglo-Saxon settlers by force.

The chronology of this "adventus" of cremations is supported by the Gallic Chronicle of , which states that wide parts of Britain fell under Saxon rule in However, this did not result in many Brittonic words entering Old English. It seems therefore that no large-scale interaction occurred between incoming "Germanic" communities and numerous indigenous Brittonic speakers of equivalent social rank.

If such interaction had been widespread, then we might have expected far greater language borrowing both in terms of structure and vocabulary see linguistic evidence above. Given that, explanation has been sought to account for the change in culture of the Britons to one where by the 8th Century the majority of people in southern Britain saw themselves as heirs to the Anglo-Saxon culture. Whilst the developments were rather complicated, there are two competing theories.

One theory, first set out by Edward Augustus Freeman , suggests that the Anglo Saxons and the Britons were competing cultures, and that through invasion, extermination, slavery, and forced resettlement the Anglo-Saxons defeated the Britons and consequently their culture and language prevailed. It remains the starting point and 'default position', to which other hypotheses are compared in modern reviews of the evidence.

However, Freeman's ideas did not go unchallenged, even as they were being propounded. In particular, the essayist Grant Allen believed in a strong Celtic contribution to Englishness. Another theory has challenged this view and started to examine evidence that the majority of Anglo Saxons were Brittonic in origin.

The major evidence comes firstly from the figures, taking a fairly high Anglo-Saxon figure , and a low Brittonic one , , Britons are likely to have outnumbered Anglo-Saxons by at least four to one. The interpretation of such figures is that while "culturally, the later Anglo-Saxons and English did emerge as remarkably un-British, Two processes leading to Anglo-Saxonisation have been proposed. One is similar to culture changes observed in Russia, North Africa and parts of the Islamic world; where a politically and socially powerful minority culture becomes, over a rather short period, adopted by a settled majority.

A process usually termed 'elite dominance'. The second process is explained through incentives, such as the Wergild outlined in the law code of Ine of Wessex which produced an incentive to become Anglo-Saxon or at least English speaking. However, some Britons could be very prosperous and own five hides of land, which gave thegn -like status, with a wergild of shillings.

Since Ine's people self-identified as Saxons West Saxons this very early use of the word 'English' unless it is a later introduction into the text suggests that it was the use of a particular language, already recognised as a single language, and already called 'English', that was the crucial determinant in ethnic identity. This implies that in the early Anglo-Saxon period it was language use that was the key determination of ethnicity, and not whether you had "Germanic" ancestors.

Whatever the case, a continuity of 'sub-Roman' Britons cannot be doubted, as evidenced, for example, by the sheer number of burials which already date to the late 5th and early 6th centuries - otherwise impossible to maintain by even the largest 'migration' estimates. In addition to the 'highland Tyrants' in the west, the case has been made by persistence of a 'native', post-Roman, polity of sorts south of the Thames during much of the fifth century- evidenced by the oppositional deposition of Quoit Brooch Style artefacts in inhumation burials south of the Thames versus 'Scandinavian' artefacts such as 'square headed brooches' within predominantly cremation burial settings dominate north of the Thames i.

However, a take-over by continental migrants cannot be denied, as evidenced by an abrupt end of Quoit Broch style artefacts and inundation of exotic artefacts of a "Jutish' character in the final decade or two of the fifth century.

The reasons for the success of Anglo-Saxon settlements remains uncertain. Helena Hamerow has made an observation that in Anglo-Saxon society "local and extended kin groups remained Nick Higham is convinced that the success of the Anglo-Saxon elite in gaining an early compromise shortly after the Battle of Badon is a key to the success of the culture.

This produced a political ascendancy across the south and east of Britain, which in turn required some structure to be successful.

The Bretwalda concept is taken as evidence for a presence of a number of early Anglo-Saxon elite families and a clear unitary oversight. Whether the majority of these leaders were early settlers, descendant from settlers, or especially after the exploration stage they were Roman-British leaders who adopted Anglo-Saxon culture is unclear.

The balance of opinion is that most were migrants, although it shouldn't be assumed they were all Germanic see Elite personal names evidence. Importantly, whatever their origin or when they flourished, they established their claim to lordship through their links to extended kin ties.

As Helen Peake jokingly points out "they all just happened to be related back to Woden". The Tribal Hidage is evidence of the existence of numerous smaller provinces, meaning that southern and eastern Britain may have lost any macro-political cohesion in the fifth and sixth centuries and fragmented into many small autonomous units, though late Roman administrative organisation of the countryside may have helped dictate their boundaries.

By the end of the sixth century the leaders of these communities were styling themselves kings, with the majority of the larger kingdoms based on the south or east coasts. Several of these kingdoms may have their foundation the former Roman civitas and this has been argued as particularly likely for the provinces of Kent, Lindsey, Deira and Bernicia, all of whose names derive from Romano-British tribal or district names. The southern and east coasts were, of course, the areas settled first and in greatest numbers by the settlers and so presumably were the earliest to pass from Romano-British to Anglo-Saxon control.

Once established they had the advantage of easy communication with continental territories in Europe via the North Sea or the Channel.

The east and south coast provinces may never have fragmented to the extent of some areas inland and by the end of the sixth century they were already beginning to expand by annexing smaller neighbours. Barbara Yorke suggests that such aggressiveness must have encouraged areas which did not already possess military protection in the form of kings and their armies to acquire their own war-leaders or protection alliances. Again, Bede was very clear that English imperium could on occasion encompass British and English kingships alike, [] and that Britons and Angles marched to war together in the early seventh century, under both British and English kings.

Where arable cultivation continued in early Anglo-Saxon England, there seems to have been considerable continuity with the Roman period in both field layout and arable practices, although we do not know whether there were also changes to patterns of tenure or the regulation of cultivation.

The greatest perceptible alterations in land usage between about and are therefore in the proportions of the land of each community that lay under grass or the plough, rather than in changes to the layout or management of arable fields.

The Anglo-Saxons settled in small groups covering a handful of widely dispersed local communities. This mobility, which was typical across much of Northern Europe took two forms: These shifting settlements called Wandersiedlungen or "wandering settlements" were a common feature since the Bronze Age. Why farms became abandoned and then relocated is much debated. However it is suggested that this might be related to the death of a patron of the family or the desire to move to better farmlands.

These farms are often falsely supposed to be "peasant farms". However, a ceorl , who was the lowest ranking freeman in early Anglo-Saxon society, was not a peasant but an arms-owning male with access to law, support of a kindred and the wergild, situated at the apex of an extended household working at least one hide of land. It is the ceorl that we should associate with the standard 8—10m x 4—5m post-hole building of the early Anglo-Saxon period, grouped with others of the same kin group. Each such household head had a number of less-free dependants.

The success of the rural world in the 5th and 6th centuries, according to the landscape archaeology, was due to three factors: The origins of the timber building tradition seen in early Anglo-Saxon England has generated a lot of debate which has mirrored a wider debate about the cultural affinities of Anglo-Saxon material culture.

The Anglo-Saxons did not import the 'long-house', the traditional dwelling of the continental Germanic peoples, to Britain. Instead they upheld a local vernacular British building tradition dating back to the late first century. This has been interpreted as evidence of the endurance of kinship and household structures from the Roman into the Anglo-Saxon period. However, this has been considered too neat an explanation for all the evidence.

Anne and Gary Marshall summarise the situation:. These structures seem to bear little resemblance either to earlier Romano-British or to continental models.

For Bryan Ward-Perkins the answer is found in the success of the Anglo-Saxon culture and highlights the micro-diversity and larger cohesion that produced a dynamic force in comparison to the Brittonic culture [] From beads and quoits to clothes and houses, there is something unique happening in the early Anglo-Saxon period.

The material culture evidence shows that people adopted and adapted styles based on set roles and styles. John Hines, commenting on the diversity of nearly a thousand glass beads and many different clothes clasps from Lakenheath, states that these reveal a "society where people relied on others to fulfill a role" and "what they had around them was making a statement", not one about the individual, but about "identity between small groups not within small groups".

The early Anglo-Saxon, just like today's migrants, were probably riding different cultural identities. They brought from their homelands the traditions of their ancestors. Looking beyond simplistic 'homeland' scenarios, and explaining the observations that 'Anglo-Saxon' houses and other aspects of material culture do not find exact matches in the 'Germanic homelands' in Europe, Halsall explains the changes within the context of a larger 'North Sea interaction zone', including lowland England, Northern Gaul and northern Germany.

These areas experienced marked social and cultural changes in the wake of Roman collapse—experienced not only within the former Roman provinces Gaul, Britain but also in Barbaricum itself.

All three areas experienced changes in social structure, settlement patterns and ways of expressing identities, as well as tensions which created push and pull factors for migrations in, perhaps, multiple directions. The study of pagan religious practice in the early Anglo-Saxon period is difficult. Most of the texts that may contain relevant information are not contemporary, but written later by Christian writers who tended to have a hostile attitude to pre-Christian beliefs, and who may have distorted their portrayal of them.

Much of the information used to reconstruct Anglo-Saxon paganism comes from later Scandinavian and Icelandic texts and there is a debate about how relevant these are. The study of pagan Anglo-Saxon beliefs has often been approached with reference to Roman or even Greek typologies and categories.

Archaeologists therefore use such terms as gods, myths, temples, sanctuaries, priests, magic and cults. Charlotte Behr argues that this provides a worldview of Anglo-Saxon practice culture which is unhelpful. Peter Brown employed a new method of looking at the belief systems of the fifth to seventh centuries, by arguing for a model of religion which was typified by a pick and choose approach. The period was exceptional because there was no orthodoxy or institutions to control or hinder the people.

This freedom of culture is seen also in the Roman-British community and is very evident in the complaints of Gildas. One Anglo-Saxon cultural practice that is better understood are the burial customs, due in part to archaeological excavations at various sites including Sutton Hoo , Spong Hill , Prittlewell , Snape and Walkington Wold , and the existence of around 1, pagan or non-Christian cemeteries. There was no set form of burial, with cremation being preferred in the north and inhumation in the south, although both forms were found throughout England, sometimes in the same cemeteries.

When cremation did take place, the ashes were usually placed within an urn and then buried, sometimes along with grave goods. Most common amongst these was body parts belonging to either goats or sheep , although parts of oxen were also relatively common, and there are also isolated cases of goose , crab apples , duck eggs and hazelnuts being buried in graves. It is widely thought therefore that such items constituted a food source for the deceased.

There is also evidence for the continuation of Christianity in south and east Britain. The Christian shrine at St Albans and its martyr cult survived throughout the period see Gildas above.

There are references in Anglo-Saxon poetry, including Beowulf, that show some interaction between pagan and Christian practices and values. While there is little scholarly focus on this subject, there is enough evidence from Gildas and elsewhere that it is safe to assume some continuing - perhaps more free - form of Christianity survived.

Richard Whinder states " The Church's pre-Augustine characteristics place it in continuity with the rest of the Christian Church in Europe at that time and, indeed, in continuity with the Catholic faith The complexity of belief, indicated by various pieces of evidence, is disturbing to those looking for easy categories. The extent to which belief was discursive and free during the settlement period suggests a lack of proscription, indeed, this might be a characteristic of Anglo-Saxon cultural success.

Little is known about the everyday spoken language of people living in the migration period. Old English is a contact language and it is hard to reconstruct the pidgin used in this period from the written language found in the West Saxon literature of some years later.

Two general theories are proposed regarding why people changed their language to Old English or an early form of such: According to Nick Higham, the adoption of the language—as well as the material culture and traditions—of an Anglo-Saxon elite, "by large numbers of the local people seeking to improve their status within the social structure, and undertaking for this purpose rigorous acculturation", is the key to understanding the Anglo-Saxon from Romano-British transition. The progressive nature of this language acquisition, and the 'retrospective reworking' of kinship ties to the dominant group led, ultimately, to the "myths which tied the entire society to immigration as an explanation of their origins in Britain".

Engle and Seaxe upp becomon, ofer brad brimu Britene sohton, wlance wig-smithas, Wealas ofercomon, eorlas ar-hwaete eard begeaton. Angles and Saxons came up over the broad sea. Britain they sought, Proud war-smiths who overcame the Welsh, glorious warriors they took hold of the land. This 'heroic tradition' of conquering incomers is consistent with the conviction of Bede, and later Anglo-Saxon historians, that the ancestral origin of the English was not the result of any assimilation with the native British, but was derived solely from the Germanic migrants of the post-Roman period.

It also explains the enduring appeal of poems and heroic stories such as Beowulf, Wulf and Eadwacer and Judith, well into the Christian period. The success of the language is the most obvious result of the settlement period. This language was not just the language of acculturation, but through the stories, poetry and oral traditions became the agency of change. In circumstances where freedom at law, acceptance with the kindred, access to patronage, and the use of possession of weapons were all exclusive to those who could claim Germanic descent, then speaking Old English without Latin or Brittonic inflection had considerable value.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Celtic language-death in England. Specification of the Romanised regions of Britain are also from the Atlas, p. The "Departure Dates" are found in the cited sources, and are generally known. The Pictish, Saxon, and Scoti raids are found in the cited sources, as is the date of the Irish settlements in Wales.

The locations of the Irish settlements is from the locations of inscription stones given in File: These tyrants dominate the historical accounts of the 5th and 6th centuries and the work tells us much about the transition from magisterial to monarchical power in Britain. See Battle of Badon for more details. It formed part of the Anglian kingdoms of Bernicia and Northumbria , only becoming a part of Scotland as late as , when a recent Scottish annexation was recognised by the English.

Fulford, 'Excavations on the sites of the amphitheatre and forum-basilica at Silchester, Hampshire: The general point of urban decline is made by A. Woolf, 'The Britons', in Regna and Gentes: Pohl Leiden, Brill, , pp. The Ruin of Britain and other works Chichester, Phillimore, Neither text is securely dated but both are clearly post-Roman and Patrick at least is generally assumed to be a 5th-century author. For the dating of Gildas, see variously D. New Approaches, eds M. Dumville Woodbridge, Boydell and Brewer, , pp.

Higham, The English Conquest: Continental evidence and parallels', p19, In: Debating the Insular Dark Ages. Goths and Romans, Alan Sutton Publishing, Inc. Tribal Conflict and the End of Roman Britain. The Medieval Chronicle II: Edinburgh University Press, , p. The Inevitability of Colonial Englishes Edinburgh, , p. Europe and the Mediterranean Oxford: Oxford University Press, , p.

The Encyclopedia of Global Human Migration. The Beginnings to , ed. Cambridge University Press, , pp. Oxford University Press, , pp. Wollmann, 'Lateinisch-Altenglische Lehnbeziehungen im 5. Jahrhundert', in Britain — , ed. Wollmann, Anglistische Forschungen, Heidelberg: Winter, , pp.

Higham and Martin J. Yale University Press, , pp. Studies of the Celtic impact on place-names in Britain Stamford: Hooke, 'The Anglo-Saxons in England in the seventh and eighth centuries: Boydell, , 64—99 p. The view from linguistics. Routledge, , quoting p. Gary Miller, External Influences on English: From Its Beginnings to the Renaissance Oxford: A History of Europe from to London: Allen Lane, , p. Tyas, , pp. Yale University Press, , p. Essays in Honour of R. Benjamins, , pp. Re-evaluating the Celtic Hypothesis.

Special issue of English Language and Linguistics University of Joensuu, Faculty of Humanities, Routledge, , pp. The Origins of the British: A Genetic Detective Story: Constable and Robinson, London.

Oxford University Press, pp. The English Historical Review McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research. Kings and kingdoms of early Anglo-Saxon England.

Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History, 14, — Oxford University School of Archaeology. The Evolution of Kentish Settlement. Tradition and Transformation in Anglo-Saxon England: Archaeology, Common Rights and Landscape. Investigations of a Villa, Church and Village, — Lords and communities in early medieval East Anglia. Hinton, and Sally Crawford, eds. The major inland navigation routes are shown.

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Given that, explanation has been sought to account for the change in culture of the Britons to one where by the 8th Century the majority of people in southern Britain saw themselves as heirs to the Anglo-Saxon culture.

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The name came to be applied to the indigenous populations of all the seven Canary Islands, [1] those of Tenerife being the most important or powerful. Studies of the Celtic impact on place-names in Britain Stamford:

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